Wednesday, June 25, 2008

Voters split over McCain, Obama views on Iraq

Voters split over McCain, Obama views on Iraq is an article that has recently appeared in Yahoo! News. Worth reading, it pretty accurately reflects the crazy, mixed up sentiments of voters this year about the war in Iraq, oldstyleliberal thinks.

Clearly, the fact that sizable voter majorities think the war was a mistake does not help Senator Obama all that much. Senator McCain gets high marks for his seeming to be the better military leader, even though (or perhaps because) he vocally supports the war:
"He's more experienced militarily," said Ann Burkes, a registered Democrat and retired third-grade teacher from Broken Arrow, Okla. "And I don't know if I agree with [his] stay-the-course (policy), but I think the good probably outweighs the bad with him, experience-wise." ...

Leeann Ormsbee, a registered Democrat from Waterford, Pa., believes the United States rushed to war, but now does not believe troops should simply withdraw. The 29-year-old self-employed house cleaner says she has never voted for a Republican. She might this time.

"I do believe that he will do better in Iraq," she said of McCain. "Because he's served in the military and he has said we can't just pull out. ... I think we're just kind of stuck with it now and we have to finish."

Republican pollster Neil Newhouse calls these voters "nose-holders."

"They don't like the fact that we're over there, they don't think the decision was the right one, but they understand that if we simply withdraw our troops it would leave things worse off," he said.
The belief of yours truly, oldstyleliberal, is that things will eventually be worse off if we stay. oldstyleliberal believes that sooner or later, war begets war and violence begets vengeance.

Without fail, killing desensitizes the soul — whether one does it or merely witnesses it. And watching your comrades get killed spurs a desire for revenge. Put the two together, and you have a sure recipe for future violence.

The violent future can, however, be delayed. Those Iraqis who would seize power, terrorize their countrymen, and generally exact revenge for the last several years of killing may just be biding their time until a Democratic president enters the White House and cuts U.S. troop strength over there.

Which means that if we cross them up and elect the hawkish McCain instead, there may be a surge of postponed Iraqi atrocities coming to the fore at that time, provoking a President McCain to hit back even harder than ever, thereby stoking the resentment mill even further in Iraq.

War begets war. Violence begets revenge. It is an Iron Law of human behavior.

So Obama is right. We need to withdraw as expeditiously as we can, given the need for preventing the withdrawal itself from provoking additional chaos.

Once we are out of Iraq, we can expect to witness the ghastly sight of innumerable chickens coming home to roost in that country, and being slaughtered ... just as happened in Vietnam after the last American helicopter lifted off from the roof of the U.S. Embassy in Saigon.

Americans such as those mentioned in the article who oppose the war, but also oppose withdrawal, are hoping in vain that something good will happen between now and when we finally do pull the plug ... something that will cancel the balance long overdue for vengeance in Iraq.

oldstyleliberal feels their reluctance to face facts and insist on ending the war will make for a worse outcome, not a better one.

Monday, June 16, 2008

Jim Webb for Veep!

Check out Joe Klein's latest column for TIME, "Getting to Know Jim Webb." Though he won't say so right out loud, Klein thinks Webb, the recently elected senator from Virginia and a Democrat, is the clear top choice as Barack Obama's running mate in the November presidential election.



oldstyleliberal agrees. Webb served with distinction in Vietnam and, as a Republican, became President Ronald Reagan's Secretary of the Navy. He switched to the Democratic Party because he feels "it is now the Republican Party that most glaringly does not understand the true nature of military service." Klein says Webb, in his recent book A Time to Fight, "takes a well-calibrated ... swing at the Bush Administration's naive neoconservative foreign policy — after all, Webb opposed going to war in Iraq in a 2002 Washington Post Op-Ed piece."

I like the fact that Webb could not be more sympathetic to and supportive of those who serve in uniform, those who have so served in the past, their families, and their general culture ... which ties in closely with Scots-Irish working class from which Webb himself proudly hails. My own family's roots are likewise to be found in this slice of the American soil.

I also like something else Klein quotes from Webb's book:

"The ultimate question," Webb writes about Democrats and the military, "is this: When you look at a veteran, what do you see? Do you see a strong individual who overcame the most difficult challenges most human beings can face ... or do you see a victim?" But if some Democrats tend to pity members of the armed forces, the Republican Party "continually seeks to politicize military service for its own ends even as it uses their sacrifices as a political shield against criticism for its failed policies. And in that sense, it is now the Republican Party that most glaringly does not understand the true nature of military service."


As some of my recent posts have indicated, on Memorial Day Weekend of 2008 I "saw the light," becoming, in my heart, a pacifist. I now oppose the Iraq War, and all wars from this point forward, as being insane. This does not mean, however, that I despise — or pity — the military. Jim Webb may or may not agree with me that we should never fight another war unless we're attacked. But I agree with him that the values of duty, honor, and personal sacrifice which the military stands for are the best things about America and should be revered by its political class, not exploited for the civilian leaders' own twisted ideological purposes.

So I think Barack Obama will have to look long and hard before he'll be able to find a better running mate than Senator James Webb, Democrat of Virginia.

Sunday, June 15, 2008

Polls and the Iraq War

This web page provides a handy-dandy list of a whole slew of polls concerning the Iraq War. This particular blogger, oldstyleliberal, finds they seem to show a lot of disaffection with the war, yet the disaffection does not translate into a prospective rout of John McCain by Barack Obama in the fall election.

John McCain is well-known to support the war, seeing it as part and parcel of the fight for our country's life in the global war on terrorism. Barack Obama, meanwhile, has opposed the war from day one on grounds that it was "dumb" for the U.S. to start it. Their attitudes could not be further apart and still be considered by any stretch of the imagination reasonable. So one might think Obama's antiwar stance, in that it matches that of the bulk of the electorate, would make him odds-on favorite in November.

But, no. Obama may be very narrowly ahead of McCain right now — see Poll Finds Independent Voters Split Between McCain, Obama, with actual Washington Post-ABC News polling data here — but it is not clear that the war dominates the decision-making process voters are going through in lining up behind one candidate or the other in 2008. This is itself odd, I think, since questions of war and peace have historically played big roles in how we elect presidents. (Or am I wrong about that?)

At any rate, it looks as if roughly two-thirds of us continue to feel that President Bush is not handling the war well, and a clear majority feel it is not still possible to achieve victory in Iraq. A slight majority used to want us to bring the troops home in 2009 without waiting for Iraq to stabilize, but in more recent polling that percentage drops to 49 percent, possibly in response to the lower rate of American deaths of late and the consequent increase in hope that Iraq can be stabilized.

Even so, 61 percent in a May 30-June 3, 2008, CBS News poll say Iraq will probably never have a stable democracy.

Blunting the effect of pro/anti war sentiment on the prospective general election outcome is the fact that the roughly two in three Americans who are disenchanted with the war split down the middle on whether all of the troops, or just some, ought to be withdrawn immediately. Clearly, there must be quite a few of us who cannot imagine that leaving the troops in Iraq will ever bring stability, but do not want all the troops taken out of Iraq now.

That seeming contradiction probably reflects a widespread unwillingness to have us look like failures in the eyes of the world, plus a practical appreciation of the fact that a hasty departure would expose our troops to more risk, not less, during any sped up, hence chaotic withdrawal period.

Meanwhile, Democrats are nearly unanimous in opposing the war, while Republicans and Independents break about 2-to-1 in the war's favor. However, though Republicans and Independents support the war in roughly equal numbers, the former are much less willing to have the next president wind the war down than are the latter.

About a third of Americans say the country is safer from terrorist attack due to the war in Iraq than it otherwise would have been, and the number who think deposed Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein was involved in the 9/11 attacks on us has only very recently begun to decline from roughly that same level to, presently, something more than a quarter of the populace.

It is clear that continuing support for the war depends greatly on the many among us who in their minds connect the war's onset directly to the terrorist attacks on American soil on 9/11. Given that skeptics spared no effort in debunking the Saddam's-links-to-terrorism myth during the early days of the war, it looks as if over a quarter of Americans have simply made up their minds that such "liberal" carping should not be listened to.

Tuesday, June 10, 2008

Debating the Iraq War?

Ever since this blogger underwent a Memorial Day 2008 conversion to a sort of pure and simple pacifism — in addition to continuing to oppose President Bush's current war in Iraq — he has noticed a strange dearth of op-ed chatter about the war. Not only is the idea that all war is bad well off today's radar screen — nothing new there! — but the chattering classes have gone eerily silent on questions of supporting or opposing the Iraq conflict as such.

I decided to pay a visit to the Opinions area at WashingtonPost.com to see what gives.

Most of the current verbiage I saw thumbnails of was, as expected, about politics: What we can look forward to with the coming Obama-McCain match-up was second to the rehash (will the instant replays never cease?) of the drawn out, supposedly bitter Obama-Clinton slugfest. Doing a Firefox Find on "Iraq" or "war" on the Post web page linked to above turned up exactly zero hits.

I bethought me to look for mentions of Iraq in the archives of various honorable Post scribes. First up was Anne Applebaum. The most recent Applebaum allusion to Iraq seems to have been in a May 13 '08 column on "the cruel, power-hungry, violent and xenophobic generals who run Burma," wherein she takes a sideways slap at "the damage done by the Iraq war [that] goes far beyond Iraq's borders." Not really about Iraq at all.

I skipped David Broder, as his beat is domestic politics per se.

Richard Cohen seems to have mentioned Iraq but twice in recent months. McCain in the Mud has it that "McCain supports the Iraq war. But Iraq is still a mess." Ohh - kaaay. That settles that. Clinton in the Wilderness reveals that Clinton "offered a weak and disingenuous defense of her Senate vote in support of going to war in Iraq." Thin gruel, both of these.

Jackson Diehl has two recent pieces mentioning Iraq. The main references therein are to:

  • Pundits and bloggers [who] have seized on the proposal as proof that McCain, like George W. Bush before him, is in thrall to the "radical neocons" who allegedly authored the war in Iraq.
  • The rockets fired from Gaza and from Sadr City [being] two prongs of an offensive aimed at forcing the United States out of Iraq, putting Israel on the defensive — and leaving Iran as the region's preeminent power.

OK. At that point I got tired of trying to avoid stepping in "all" the incidental references to Iraq, however infrequent even these seem to have been, and went looking for just one column by someone, anyone, that addresses Iraq square on. I found an April 11 piece by E. J. Dionne Jr., Turning No Corners, which is almost on topic. Actually, its topic is not the war per se, pro or con, but rather the way that supporters and opponents of the enterprise talk past each other:
For supporters of the war, the primary issue is Iraq itself and what will happen if we leave. For the war's opponents, the focus is on how the conflict in Iraq is sapping our energies, weakening our military and diverting our attention from our interests elsewhere in the world.
Notice that opposition to the war is, per Dionne, not grounded in the war's merits or lack thereof, but in the supposed sheer impracticality of continuing to inject our ever more thinly stretched military forces into Iraq with no end date in sight.

No one today is coming right out and saying that this war should never have been fought. No one is courageous enough to say we simply ought to wrap it all up and bring the troops home now, because they oughtn't be there in the first place. No one wants to be labeled a peacenik.

Thus there is no real, ongoing debate over the war as such. To which my reaction can only be, "What's wrong with this picture?"

Monday, June 09, 2008

The Solidarity Sentiment

As I have been indicating in recent posts, I have become convinced that "war is not the answer" — not any more, not in today's world. It is accordingly of great concern to me that not many of my fellow Americans seem ready to denounce the war in Iraq in no uncertain terms. The "antiwar" Democratic presidential nominee-presumptive, Senator Barack Obama, has not engaged in ringing rhetoric against the war, by any means. Meanwhile his opponent, Senator John McCain, is at least as much of a hawk as President Bush is.

The dominant sentiment in this country seems to run as follows. The president, as commander-in-chief, made a judgment call in the wake of 9/11 that U.S. troops had to be committed indefinitely in Afghanistan, to harry Al Qaeda, and also in Iraq to depose Saddam Hussein. The justification for the latter involvement turned out to be ill-founded, perhaps, but at the time almost all of the present opponents of the Iraq War (with the conspicuous exception of Obama, who was not yet in Congress) concurred that Bush ought at least to be given authority to go to war if necessary.

Once he had been so authorized by Congress, he went ahead and invaded Iraq. We can argue about whether he was right or wrong, about what his real intentions were, about whether he was totally honest with the American people, about whether this war can ever be won, etc., etc., etc. What we cannot argue about now is that our troops are there, in Iraq, in harm's way right now. Many of them have sacrificed lives, limbs, physical and mental health, marriages, and other less tangible things. The mission is not yet accomplished, and more valiant sacrifice remains to be made. The last thing we at home ought to do now is pull the rug out from under our troops.

Keeping faith with the troops is job one of the patriot today ... so the story goes.

When a duly authorized commander-in-chief sends troops into danger, even if his judgment is and was flawed, we all henceforth need to suck it up and stay the course, however unlikely the chances of ultimate success may seem. To cut and run now guarantees that all the sacrifices made to date will have been in vain.

Once the bleeding and dying have begun in a war, any war, we at home must have infinite patience. If we back away hastily, we are in effect spitting on the graves of the 4,000+ who have died while carrying the American flag into peril in Iraq.

Solidarity with the troops is thus the gripping hand when it comes to sentiment about the Iraq War, for many Americans today — even those who tell pollsters of their private doubts about the purposes and justifications of that war. On the one hand, spreading democracy around the globe sounds like a good idea. On the other hand, Iraq doesn't seem ready for it. Eliminating Saddam's WMD threat was necessary; yet, was there really any threat? Saddam was, or was not, in collusion with America's mortal enemy, Al Qaeda.

Debate between these two outlooks would ordinarily be understandable, even healthy. But there is that third, gripping hand to take into consideration: the need to support the troops. Undercutting the commander-in-chief by attacking his motives and challenging his reasoning only prolongs and intensifies the danger they face every hour of every day.

That's the dominant motif in how many patriots see the war. This blogger understands it, and even though he doesn't personally subscribe to it, he realizes that it is the prime impediment to any hopes he may have for an effective peace movement to arise that will push this country away from war. Solidarity with those in uniform who bleed on our behalf is always an honorable and noble point of view. To ask people to insist on peace seems accordingly to be asking them to behave dishonorably and ignobly.

I also recognize that today's widespread solidarity sentiment is being advanced as a beautiful way to try to make amends for the shameful lack of solidarity with returning soldiers many citizens exhibited during and after the Vietnam War.

How can one argue with such a sense of duty and obligation and honor and nobility? By its very nature, it transcends pro-and-con argumentation. It repudiates reasoned discourse and silences philosophical debate ... which is a large part of its appeal. It can be a way of coming together behind the Man in the Driver's Seat and putting mere ideological disputes in the back seat or trunk, where they belong in time of war.

How to Work for Peace?

In Let there be peace on earth ..., and then in ... and let it begin with me, I told of my recent peace conversion. A PBS Memorial Day celebration, broadcast from the National Mall in Washington, D.C., and intended as a paean to staunch patriotism, included the reading of a series of letters about what the war in Iraq has done to two American military families, taking the life of one husband and nearly that of the other, causing a newborn daughter to never be able to know her father, bringing untold sadness and misery to the wives of the two soldiers ... all this drove home to me that not only this Iraq War but all wars are insane.

But how do I seek peace and pursue it ... meaningfully ... in today's environment?

Is there actually a peace movement today?

According to this section of a Wikipedia article, there is. But reading it and following the links contained therein convinces me that most of its member organizations have main agendas other than peace qua peace, such as libertarianism or the environment or gay rights or radical politics. I resist utopian or ultra-ideological approaches to peacemaking instinctively. It is as if their proponents are saying that we can't have peace until we have a perfect world ... which I think we will never have until we are all perfect people.

Isn't there a more practical way to work for peace?

Besides, I personally feel the basic impetus for peace comes from a gut-level antipathy to war that bypasses all argumentation and nuanced reasoning.

This past weekend I attended a play at a local repertory theater, In The Heart of America, by Naomi Wallace, a searing indictment of war that depicts imaginary (or are they?) atrocities in the Iraq War superimposed with not-so-imaginary ones from Vietnam (think Lt. William Calley and Charlie Company's massacre at My Lai). I was accompanied by a woman friend who was raised in a military family, lost a husband in Vietnam, and would like to be thought of as true to the red, white, and blue ... but who opposes this war and this President.

In our discussion after the play, she told me she'd felt like she was being torn in two. On the one hand, it was hard for her to resonate with the anti-military, antiwar thrust of the play. On the other, she knew that the brutality laid at the feet of the warrior characters was an honest reflection of reality.

I told her about my peacenik conversion on Memorial Day weekend, about how I now see all war — even the so-called "good wars" — as insane.

I went on to present a case for believing that it's an illusion to put different wars in separate cubbyholes, according to how "good" or "bad" they seem to be. I didn't think of alluding to the image at the time, but upon reflection what I should have told her was that every war sows dragon's teeth that grow into new warriors destined to clash in the future.

World War I set the stage for World War II, which set the stage for the Cold War and fears of nuclear Armageddon, which engendered the Vietnam conflict. The "good" (in my estimation) war by which Holocaust-decimated Jews forced their way into their new and rightful home in Palestine, has led to endless bloodshed. Etc., etc., etc.

The "good" wars such as WWII lead people to believe that war can be right and just and honorable.

The "bad" wars such as Vietnam lead patriots to blame a failed war's opponents for "aiding and abetting the enemy" — implying that, next time, job one is to marginalize or silence opposition.

Either way, there will always be a next time. There will never come a time when "war is not the answer."

For war to end, conflict must be resolved peaceably. Diplomacy must be given every chance to work. Aggression must be fended off regretfully, as a last resort. But most of all, people must lose their taste for war.

That happened in Europe following WWII. A continent whose soil has historically been drenched with blood beat its swords into plowshares. Movements of the human spirit away from war are possible.

What would it take to have one here?

Tuesday, May 27, 2008

... and let it begin with me

Since I posted Let there be peace on earth ... yesterday, I've been asking myself what can make people want peace so badly they'll set aside the ordinary reasons they have for supporting a war such as the war in Iraq.

The answer, I think, is identification.

When I watched the PBS telecast of the Memorial Day celebration on the Mall, I identified with the soldiers and their wives whose letters to one another were reenacted on the stage. One of the men died of combat wounds in an American hospital after having helped evacuate the other man, seriously hurt in a previous battle. They were best war buddies, and their wives were too. When one of the wives finally lost her shot-up husband just days before her first child was born, the other wife was by her side — even though it was touch-and-go for her husband at that point, in a hospital far from home. He had told his wife to go where she was most needed, which meant she couldn't be with him.

When one identifies with one's fellow Americans — an infant who will never know her father and a wife whose husband breathes no more — one is apt to become an instant pacifist.

This is separate from questions of whether the war is "worth it." No war is worth it, not if it can be avoided with honor and safety intact.

This war could have been avoided with America's safety and honor intact. But that is a caluclation we may make — or not — and it has nothing at first to do with identification. We can calculate the rightfulness or wrongfulness of a war until the cows come home, and that baby will still not have a father.

When will we adopt the attitude that war is just plain bad, no matter its "justification"?

For when we do that, we will seek alternatives to war — not all of which are necessarily craven or defeatist. There are ways of neutralizing threats that do not involve bombs or bullets.


Nor is the real point whether we ought to identify with those who pay the ultimate price on our behalf, but rather whether we do identify. Of course we ought to feel their pain, as fellow human beings and fellow Americans. But how hard it is to actually do so, most of the time! It takes a special set of circumstances to trigger true empathy.

Mine was triggered because the Memorial Day concert was clearly not a peace demonstration. I knew that, and so when that tableau of heroic sacrifice and personal pain was presented on stage, I could not duck its impact by imagining that someone was trying to indoctrinate me.

And so I identified with people who I was aware probably would not have wanted me to not support the war. For that widow to oppose the war now that her husband has given his life in it would be to have his — their — sacrifice be in vain. Identification is not the same thing as agreeing with the person identified with.

At some point, reason has to chime in and say the best thing one can do for somebody with whom one disagrees fundamentally, but with whom one nonetheless identifies totally, is to respectfully continue to disagree.

At some point, reason has to generalize the individual identification and conclude that war is just plain bad.

It starts with identification, but it ends with reason.

Monday, May 26, 2008

Let there be peace on earth ...

... and let it begin with me!

It's Memorial Day 2008, and oldstyleliberal (that's me) feels a positive hunger for peace.

Last night I watched the Memorial Day celebration at the National Mall, at the U.S. Capitol, thanks to the Public Broadcasting System. In one segment, three actors read from letters written by three of the honored guests. Two were the wives of soldiers formerly stationed in Iraq, and the third was the first of the two soldiers. The second soldier is dead, having died in combat only days after helping evacuate the first, his best buddy who had been shot and grievously wounded in a firefight, and who is yet only a hairsbreadth away from having to have a leg amputated.

The soldier who died took several days in the hospital, back in the U.S.A., to lose his struggle for life, leaving behind an oh-so-young wife who was days away from giving birth to a daughter, a first child who will never know her father. The other wife was there beside her at the hospital, of course, lending support to her own best "war buddy" in an hour of danger and despair ... even though her own husband remained hospitalized in Germany and she knew he might not pull through.

After that presentation, Gladys Knight sang "Let there be peace on earth, and let it begin with me." The audience, even if it was a military pageant, sang earnestly along. Then Sarah Brightman and a children's choir sang Andrew Lloyd Webber's "Pie Jesu." Sweet Lord Jesus, who takes away the sins of the world, grant them [the fallen in America's wars] rest everlasting. Not a dry eye in the crowd.

Why can't we have peace on earth? Why can't we have no more fallen?

I want to work for peace.

I was a young man in the 1960s when there was a peace movement opposing the Vietnam War. I was part of it. Why isn't there a peace movement today, opposing the Iraq War?

What would be a constructive way to work for peace now?

It seems to this observer that a peace movement, to be successful, would have to bring a lot of people together. It's no good making a peace movement out of the tiny minority of folks who are naturally disposed to pacifism. Their arguments may be good ones, but they're conceptual, intellectual, high-minded, and based on assumptions that average people don't subscribe to.

Average people are patriots first. They feel a deep connection to the troops in Iraq and Afghanistan. They have a horror of repeating the Vietnam aftermath, when returning soldiers were spat upon, ridiculed, and, worse, ignored.

Average people have a difficult time converging the facts that Saddam Hussein wasn't really an al Qaeda facilitator, wasn't really on the verge of getting weapons of mass destruction, with what seems to be the right attitude after 9/11. God bless America. Support the troops. Shoot first and ask questions later. Kill 'em all and let God sort 'em out.

The facts seem to suggest that the Iraq War, and even the more broadly supported conflict in Afghanistan, aren't working.

The attitude seems to require us to have infinite patience anyway.

The indisputable facts are that there are terrorist organizations and whole societies out there that want to do us dirty.

The attitude tells us to arm ourselves and fight.

Yet there is another attitude that is latent in all of us even now: Let there be peace on earth.

How do we bring that attitude to the fore?

It might be the case that we can succeed in ending the terrorist threat only if, however paradoxically, we make peace today and not war. Peace, not just as a far off hope but as something lived here and now, is the only real answer to conflict.

Tuesday, May 20, 2008

Who Will Listen?

A controversial recent offering from columnist Kathleen Parker, "Getting Bubba," brings out what may be the driving force of Election '08. It once could be called "class resentment," but it's broader than that today.

What is it? The takeoff point to understanding it is embodied in the negativity some voters bear toward Senator Barack Obama, in that he does not impress them as a "full-blooded American."

This seems to be about more than his mixed race. Senator Obama's mother was herself a "full-blooded" (in her case, white) American. She was of no particular religion but had great respect for all religions, meaning that she herself was a freethinker, already out of step with mainstream American religious values. Most American religions tend to be more close-minded, truth be told. Obama's father was a Kenyan, a black African, whose religious background was Muslim.

This also seems to be about more than economic strata, since Obama does not come from wealth.

And it is not much about gender, since Democrats who are fleeing the uncertainty they feel about Obama are running to the supposed safe haven of ... Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton.

What is it about? Parker puts it this way:

Politics may no longer be so much about race and gender as about heritage, core values, and made-in-America. Just as we once and still have a cultural divide in this country, we now have a patriot divide.

True enough, but it's a culture divide, too. Obama got into trouble for talking about disaffected working Americans who assuage their bitterness by "clinging" to their religion and their guns. At root, the dispute was over cultural differences, not just differences about patriotism.

Obama was likewise in trouble several months ago with African Americans who worried that he's "not black enough." That criticism seems to have died down for now. Yet it pointed to the same kind of anxiety as felt today by working class whites: will this man listen to us?

Or is he too much of an elitist?

It seems to me, the oldstyleliberal who writes this blog, that I myself have been too much of an elitist of late, too inclined to think in terms of wonky positions on issues like health insurance or the war in Iraq, to recognize that my fellow Americans are crying out from their respective communities and armed camps for some unifying national leader to take them seriously and pay them heed.

Meanwhile, the elites are urging upon us an enlightened, multicultural, manifestly relativistic agenda for sweeping change: bold strides along the "information superhighway" into an uncharted future. In that bright future as the educated elites see it, we will all be able to just get along because we will have put aside the benighted, old-fashioned, insular, absolutist beliefs to which we used to cling so desperately.

There are two kinds of American today. One American clings to the old absolutes (never mind that they may be different absolutes, depending on what group he owes his allegiance to). The other American sees all truth as relative, slippery, changeable.

For the old American, the prime value is just that: constancy of allegiance. For the new American, allegiance is itself negotiable.

The American whose constant allegiance is to the old ways is Bubba. Bubba thinks no one up there is listening to him ... and he's right about that. For the bright elites, listening to Bubba would just derail the glorious future they want to hasten into existence. The bright elites must pretend to listen to Bubba, of course, since they need Bubba's vote. But once in office, they'll have their own elitist agendas to see to.

That's why Bubba is so wary of Barack.

Wednesday, April 30, 2008

Boomers planting a debt bomb -- baltimoresun.com

Baltimore Sun financial columnist Jay Hancock writes in today's "Boomers planting a debt bomb" of the impending disaster that today's spendthrift ways will become for post-boomers:

The biggest U.S. financial crisis isn't the housing crunch. It's the government debt bomb being planted by baby boomers to explode in the faces of their children and grandchildren ...

The country already owes $9 trillion, a record, and almost half of it to foreigners, also a record. [The U.S. government] pays more in interest [on the national debt] than the annual cost of the Iraq war.

By the middle of this century, 20 percent of the national income — not just a fifth of the budget but a fifth of the whole economy! — will have to be diverted to pay interest on the debt ... . Another 20 percent will be needed to finance health care and pensions for boomer geezers.

That'll leave virtually nothing for education, roads, basic research and other investments that make the country great.


Oh, wonderful! Not only do we have to worry about the threat of global warming and the need to wean ourselves off foreign oil, we have to stop spending so much money into the bargain. Or everything will go bust.

Only problem is, not only do liberals like to spend money, so do today's conservatives à la George W. Bush.

oldstyleliberal sees little evidence that either Barack Obama or Hillary Clinton can fix this. They are, after all, liberals.

Nor does one, such as oldstyleliberal, who hopes to seem wise, tend to feel that John McCain — he who is willing to keep troops in Iraq for the next 99 years, and hang the cost — has a handle on the impending meltdown of the federal budget.

All of the presidential hopefuls will, like oldstyleliberal, be long gone by mid-century. (Well, maybe the youngish Obama will be still here, in his geezer-hood.) In fact, the next president, should he or she serve two terms, will be leaving office in 2017, just about the time that, the experts say, we will have begun to spend over 20 cents of every dollar of U.S. gross domestic product on health care alone.

That figure is due to go up to 25 cents on the GDP dollar by 2030. When the Hancock column talks about "20 percent ... to finance health care and pensions for boomer geezers" by mid-century, he means 20 percent of the federal budget, and it doesn't include private expenditures on health care/health insurance.


All of this, of course, pales in insignificance compared to whether Sen. Obama ought to wear a flag lapel pin or Sen. Clinton is fighting too dirty a campaign.

We hear more about how Sen. McCain is supposedly too soft on illegal immigrants than about how, with Sen. Lieberman, he has co-sponsored a bill that would put a down payment on quashing global warming.

McCain-Lieberman would set up a cap-and-trade system for reining in companies that spew too much carbon into the sky and rewarding companies whose carbon footprint is moderate and shrinking. But that's not a topic that commands our attention as voters; lapel pins are.

If the next president doesn't get a grip on our looming problems, we will know who to blame.

As Pogo used to say, "We have met the enemy, and he is us."

Thursday, March 13, 2008

The Tao of Conservative Government, Part 1

"Governing a large state is like boiling a small fish," reads the Lao Tzu, one of the foundational texts of Chinese Taoism. Also known as the Tao Te Ching, it holds (according to D.C. Lau, one of its esteemed translators) that ...
... the state or the empire is a delicate thing that can be ruined by the least handling, or a sacred vessel which must not be tampered with. The empire is as much a part of the natural order as [it is a part of] the world of inanimate objects and, being part of the natural order, will run smoothly so long as everyone follows his own nature. To think that once can improve on nature by one's petty cleverness is profanity. The natural order is delicately balanced. The least interference on the part of the ruler will upset this balance and lead to disorder.
This wisdom from the 4th century B.C., out of a cultural tradition not America's own, resonates with some of us moderns today as we consider what to do about, among other things, our health care financing system that threatens to go bust in coming decades, or Social Security's looming fiscal crisis, or our planet's inability to keep sidestepping the climate change coming from all the carbon we are spewing into the air.

This ancient wisdom, applied to today's political controversies, admittedly seems an apostasy to a political liberal such as oldstyleliberal. We liberals are folks who say show me a problem, and I'll show you a way to have the government fix it.

Health care getting too expensive, with a sixth of the populace uninsured? Fix it by legislation mandating that everybody buy health insurance privately, if they can't get it from their employers. Then set up the government as insurer of last resort and give tax breaks to citizens who can't afford the premiums.

Social Security heading for a fiscal crackup as the burgeoning number of retirees drawing from the kitty overburdens the dwindling number of workers feeding the kitty? Fix the system. How, exactly? That remains unclear, but what seems ultra-clear to most liberals is that privatizing Social Security and subjecting it to the ungoverned vicissitudes of financial markets is out of the question.

Global warming threatening to swamp not only the planet's coastlines but also its sustainable agriculture and its potential for economic growth? Again, bring government power to bear on whatever or whoever is responsible for creating the climate change in the first place. Only problem is, we have met the enemy and he is us. We all have a huge carbon footprint. Even on paper, what could the government fix be for that?

It is beginning to become apparent to oldstyleliberal that, well ... that the old-style, liberal approaches to solving the world's problems have gone bankrupt.


Take, for example, the woes of our health care system today. Primary care physician Kevin Pho writes in an op-ed column in a recent USA Today that a real problem is the acute shortage of doctors who aren't specialists, but rather general practitioners, family doctors, and the like. Medicare and the rest of the health care financing/insuring system pay them much less handsomely when they use "30 minutes to discuss a patient's hypertension, diabetes or heart disease" than if they use the same 30 minutes to perform a procedure or render a tangible service. The incentives are all stacked in favor of primary care docs doing more and discussing less.

Meanwhile, there are the "annual government threats to indiscriminately cut reimbursements despite rising office and malpractice costs, [such that] physicians are faced with no choice but to increase quantity to maintain financial viability." Hence, "primary care physicians who refuse to compromise quality are either driven out of business or to cash-only concierge practices, further contributing to primary care's decline."

Patients naturally respond to the demise of the old-fashioned way of interacting with the family doctor by going directly to specialists who are eager to perform procedures that result in themselves, the specialists, being reimbursed generously. In the old days, the family doc would act as an intermediary and clearinghouse for possible specialist interventions, discouraging those that aren't really going to do the patient much good. Today, though, "studies show that increasing fragmentation of care results in a corresponding rise in cost and medical errors."


How did we get things so messed up?

In the estimation of oldstyleliberal, the culprit may have been the litany of attempts over the past half-century or more to "improve" or "fix" the health care system. They have all had in common that they make the consumers of health care services insensitive to the real relationship of benefits to costs, since "someone else" is paying the costs.

So consumers demand health care services more indiscriminately than they otherwise would ... and the primary care physician whose counsel might help avoid that is out of the loop. Because of the laws of supply and demand, prices go up, and the "someone else" bearing the costs — whether an employer, a private insurer, or the government — tries to impose artificial rules to keep things in check.

But the rules typically rebound. For instance, there was a time not too long ago when experts said "managed care" facilities (HMOs and the like) were the fix we needed. The HMOs, originally benign, soon began imposing all kinds of rules on who may see what doctor when and for what, simply to hold down costs. Massive customer dissatisfaction ensued, followed by an exodus from HMOs.

Again, oldstyleliberal believes the underlying problem with HMOs and the various other "solutions" that have been tried is that they have all been attempts to overrule or undermine the health care marketplace. As columnist George F. Will mentioned in this recent piece about Cuba, a market is "an information-generating mechanism, communism cannot know what things should cost."

Neither can the participants in an American health care financing system that suppresses the ability of consumers to find out, or even care about, what things actually cost.

Now, according to Dr. Pho, "if the Democrats' universal health care proposals come to fruition, the primary care system will be inundated with at least 45 million newly insured patients. As Massachusetts is finding out in its pioneering attempt to provide universal coverage, our system is not ready for this burden."

Dr. Pho's prescription

... starts with reforming the physician reimbursement system. Remove the pressure for primary care physicians to squeeze in more patients per hour, and reward them for spending time with patients, optimally managing their diseases and practicing evidence-based medicine. Make primary care more attractive to medical students by forgiving student loans for those who choose primary care as a career and reconciling the marked disparity between specialist and primary care physician salaries.
oldstyleliberal is not convinced, though, that these solutions wouldn't rebound in some unexpected way, should they be enacted, because they don't solve the underlying problem: the health care market has been jiggered and re-jiggered so that the "information" it provides suppliers and consumers with is ever more bogus. It doesn't give anyone any real idea of what things should cost. The reason it doesn't is that the level of demand for health services is divorced from what might be termed "cost-benefits reality" whenever "someone else" pays. Then the "someone else" typically tries to impose artificial cost-cutting measures, which always end up cheating somebody even more than purely market-driven forces might do.

In short, government soultions too often end up boiling the proverbial "small fish" into fish paste. There has to be a better way. oldstyleliberal increasingly looks to the so-called conservative initiatives — what this recent editorial in the Baltimore Sun recently lambasted as John McCain's "raft of small-bore policy ideas centered around giving individuals more control over [health care] spending" — that might allow the bottom-up forces of the marketplace to do what the top-down imperatives of government controls have conspicuously failed to do.

Sunday, March 09, 2008

2008 Election - SUSA Polling Suggests New Battleground States

Remember 2000? The Democratic candidate, Al Gore, got more of the popular vote than the Republican George W. Bush did, but lost the election in the Electoral College (with the help of the Supreme Court). This year, it looks like another ultra-close general election may be on tap, and it's not unimaginable that it will be the Democrat this time who'll need an electoral-vote edge, after possibly getting fewer popular votes than John McCain. We Democrats need to be prepared for that.

Trouble is, we Democrats are unlikely to know who exactly our 2008 presidential nominee will be until the 796 superdelegates make their individual choices at the Democratic National Convention, August 25-28 in Denver.

The superdelegates are Democratic members of Congress, governors, mayors, and state and national party leaders. Each superdelegate can vote for Barack Obama or Hillary Clinton, as they prefer. Some have already pledged for one, some for the other, and some have not tipped their hand. Once "committed" by announcing their own personal choice, they can still switch candidates at will if they feel the need. There is no rule or law that forces them to cast their vote a certain way.

As of Sunday, March 9, Clinton has a slight edge in committed superdelegates, 242-210, while more than 300 remain uncommitted.

Interesting fact: the identities of only 719 of the 796 superdelegates are presently known. A group of 77 "add-on" superdelegates will be named later by state party leaders. The Obama-Clinton race may wind up in the laps of those 77.

Another interesting fact: if the delegations from Florida and Michigan wind up not being seated at the convention — they've been barred because their states violated party rules and scheduled too-early primaries — neither will Florida and Michigan superdelegates. But if some kind of deal is struck by which those two delegations get seated after all, then an as-yet-undetermined number of superdelegates from those states would be added to the current total of 796 — and their votes could end up picking the nominee.

Unless either Clinton or Obama takes all the remaining primaries/caucuses by large margins, then even in the wake of Clinton's victories in Ohio and Texas on March 4 it looks as if neither candidate can amass enough elected, pledged delegates to sideline the superdelegates at the convention.


How should the superdelegates decide how to vote?

2008 Election - SUSA Polling Suggests New Battleground States gets at what oldstyleliberal thinks the superdelegates ought to be thinking about when they decide. Specifically, they ought collectively to try to vote for the candidate most likely to lick John McCain in the Electoral College in the crucial battleground states.

Says the SUSA (SurveyUSA) pollster, "McCain leads [Obama] in the blue states of Pennsylvania and New Jersey while Obama leads [McCain] in the red states of Virginia, Ohio, North Dakota, Nevada, and Colorado." Meanwhile, "McCain leads [Clinton] in the blue states Washington, Oregon, and Michigan while Clinton leads [McCain] in the red states Florida, Ohio, West Virginia, and Arkansas. McCain leads [Clinton in] two of the three purple states, but trails Clinton in the neighboring purple state of New Mexico."

The "purple states" are the three states that changed parties in 2004's Bush vs. Kerry election, vis-à-vis how they voted in the 2000 Bush-Gore election: New Mexico (which went for Gore in 2000), Iowa (for Gore in 2000), and New Hampshire (Bush in 2000).

If these precise SUSA polling results hold up over time — and no one really sees that as coming about — Obama looks to be the better choice for Democrats concerned about winning Virginia, North Dakota, Nevada, and Colorado in November. Clinton looks to be the better choice if Florida, West Virginia, Arkansas, and New Mexico are held in focus. Both Democrats look like McCain-beaters in 2008 in Ohio. And so on.


Obviously, it's too soon to know for sure how Obama or Clinton would actually do against their Republican foe in all the various states in November. This particular early poll was of too few voters and had too wide a margin of error to be determinative. The point oldstyleliberal would like to make is that, come August, each superdelegate first of all needs to figure whether his or her state will be one of the close-fought ones in November.

If so, then that superdelegate ought to consider how Clinton and Obama will poll against McCain in his or her home state, and vote for the Democrat that can be expected to be most likely to take that state's electoral votes.

That is, each superdelegate from a battleground state should vote for whichever candidate they think has the best likelihood of keeping their own state's electoral votes from going to McCain.

Notice that this is not necessarily the same thing as knowing which candidate, Obama or Clinton, is the more favored by Democrats in the superdelegate's home state. It may be that Democrats in (say) Ohio prefer Clinton, yet Obama might be the better choice as McCain's opponent in Ohio because he could pull more independents, crossovers, and marginal voters into his column in the general election.

Unfortunately for Clinton, there seem to be few if any states where she would be expected to run stronger than Obama with independents, crossovers, and marginal voters such as young adults who typically don't vote, and who might or might not turn out. It is hard to find a state whose primary/caucus voters favored Obama but whose superdelegates ought to back Clinton as the more likely McCain killer.

So unless it somehow becomes clear that the electoral vote in November will turn on one or two swing states where Clinton does in fact stand a better chance than Obama against McCain — if such states exist — then superdelegates in general ought to lean toward Obama.

Accordingly, each superdelegate from a non-battleground state might wish to choose to make an estimate of each candidate's viability in the key battleground states specifically. The Democrat who polls best against McCain in those swing states will likely get more electoral votes in the November election than the other Democratic possibility would receive. Hence, the non-swing-states superdelegates might want to try to throw the nomination to that candidate — who, per the above analysis, is more likely to be Obama than Clinton.


Clearly, it will be pretty hard for any given superdelegate to presume to know how Clinton or Obama will do against McCain in the whole of the Electoral College, once all the people have voted in a close election on November 4. Given the cloudiness of everyone's crystal ball, oldstyleliberal thinks that if a superdelegate is from what will clearly be a battleground state, he or she still ought simply to vote for the Democrat who will be most likely to beat McCain in that state.

As a practical matter the other superdelegates, the ones from states that will probably not be close, might still want to vote for the Democrat who will poll better against McCain in their own states. For instance, the Democratic governor of oldstyleliberal's home state of Maryland, Martin O'Malley, will be a superdelegate. He might opt to vote for whichever candidate, Obama or Clinton, would more certainly prevail in Maryland against McCain, in the unlikely event that huge numbers of Republican voters come out of the woodwork and make the race close in the Old Line State.

That way, O'Malley and the other Maryland superdelegates could avoid having to psych out the likely Electoral College results in the other 49 states, a Herculean task.

So there are several possible alternative strategies open to superdelegates who aim to angle their convention votes in August toward an Electoral College victory in November. oldstyleliberal admits he does not know exactly which micro-strategy for choosing between Clinton and Obama is most likely to pay off in November, given all the clouds in the crystal ball. Still, being ever-mindful of the electoral vote in the general election seems to oldstyleliberal the best way for the superdelegates to carry out their unprecedented duty to actually choose the Democratic nominee.

Wednesday, January 23, 2008

"BGE rate to climb higher in June" | baltimoresun.com


According to an article in the Baltimore Sun today, January 23, 2008 — click on the image above to see the whole article — residential electricity customers who are served by Maryland's Baltimore Gas & Electric, a subsidiary of the Constellation Energy Group,
... will pay an estimated 5.5 percent more for electricity starting in June, largely as a result of federal rules that are driving wholesale energy prices higher. ... The increase will add about $100 to the average customer's annual utility bill ... When combined with increases imposed since rate caps expired in 2006, BGE customers will be paying 85 percent more for electricity than they were before the General Assembly approved deregulation in 1999.

In 1999, the Maryland General Assembly deregulated the state's providers of electrical power in an effort to introduce competition into the electricity market and thereby hold down prices. An unintended consequence of that, combined with recent regulatory (not deregulatory) initiatives at the federal level, has been:
... more than a year into that effort [by the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission to impose new rules on the wholesale energy market], the latest increase shows just how difficult it is for state regulators to influence the federally regulated ... market. Many policy decisions affecting prices in Maryland are made in Washington with only limited input from state regulators.

"Because utilities no longer own generation plants that the state can regulate ... [utility customers are] at the mercy of what comes out of those wholesale energy markets," said Bill Fields, an attorney for the state Office of the People's Counsel, which represents utility customers.

This is just one more reason why oldstyleliberal has come to wonder whether strong government involvements in economic markets doesn't do more harm than good.

Even though Maryland has "deregulated" its electrical power marketplace, no real competition among BGE and various potential alternatives has materialized. Customers like me who live in locations where BGE once had a state-protected monopoly still don't have viable alternative providers of electrical power to buy from, eight years later. Moral: even when governments deregulate, they bungle the job.

This is something oldstyleliberal hates to admit. He is, after all, a liberal, and liberals believe that government programs help, no? Yet, time and again, government "solutions" just make bigger problems.

Thursday, January 17, 2008

"Majority favors legalized unions" | Baltimore Sun

In a poll of Maryland voters, responders were asked about their views on same-sex unions. The Baltimore Sun reports that in the poll, a "majority favors legalized unions." 39% supported civil unions, but opposed gay marriage. Another 19% supported gay marriage outright. A solid majority, 58%, thus supported some sort of legalized same-sex union. That surprised oldstyleliberal.

Meanwhile, 31% opposed legalizing same-sex unions in any form.

Maryland's governor and legistlature are expected to take up the issue this year. Gov. O'Malley has said he favors civil unions, while being against gay marriage. The President of the State Senate, Thomas V. Mike Miller, a Democrat, opposes both civil unions and same-sex marriage, while supporting "increasing rights for same-sex couples," such as those concerning property ownership and medical decision-making. Another leading Democrat, House of Delegates Speaker Michael E. Busch, endorses civil unions but apparently not same-sex marriage.

Per the Sun, "Maryland law defines marriage as a union between a man and a woman. A lawsuit seeking to overturn that statute failed last year, effectively moving debate over the issue to the State House."

Republicans in the State House may introduce a measure to amend the state constitution to ban same-sex unions:

Foes of gay marriage also plan to push their cause this year. Del. Donald H. Dwyer Jr., an Anne Arundel County Republican and one of the General Assembly's most outspoken critics of gay rights, said it is time for the legislature to vote on all of the proposals so that constituents know where their representatives stand. He plans to sponsor a constitutional ban on gay marriage and civil unions.


The Sun article says that "only half of [the 31% of poll responders who opposed same-sex unions] said a constitutional amendment is needed to ban them."

Gay rights advocates "are pushing for a marriage bill with an exception to make it clear that no religious institutions or clergy would be compelled to perform or recognize those marriages."

In other words, opinions are all over the map on this issue in Maryland.

oldstyleliberal thinks gay marriages — secular, not religious — ought to be made legal. If that is impossible politically, then civil unions ought to be legalized, as they are marriages in all but name, conferring all of the legal rights that heterosexual marriages do. But outright recognition of gay marriage would be better, as it forecloses on the legal hair-splitting that is sure to arise if civil unions become law.

***


"Maryland bishops speak up for marriage: Statement supports marriage as union of man, woman," says a headline in a recent issue of the Catholic Review. The article began:
Archbishops Edwin F. O’Brien of Baltimore and Donald W. Wuerl of Washing­ton, D.C., and Bishop Michael A. Saltarelli of Wilmington, Del., released a statement Jan. 5 supporting the traditional definition of marriage.

The statement, “Marriage in Maryland: Securing the Foun­dation of Family and Society,” was distributed to all parishes for inclusion in January bulle­tins by the Maryland Catholic Conference (MCC), the legis­lative lobbying arm of Mary­land’s Catholic bishops.

Though oldstyleliberal is a Catholic — and not gay — he disagrees with the Church's position on marriage as a matter of civil law, as opposed to a religious sacrament, which it is in the Catholic Church. As a sacrament, whether marriage can be extended to include same-sex couples is a theological question which oldstyleliberal is frankly unable to resolve. As a civil matter, however, marriage ought to be open to all comers, gay or not.

oldstyleliberal thinks this is a good Christian way of looking at things, in fact.

We Christians believe, or ought to, that making love (in all senses of the word) trumps the ability of a married couple to make babies. The Catholic Church insists that a married couple be open to conception and childbirth at all times — supposedly impossible (depending on what "open to" means) for a same-sex couple. Being open to procreation is, however, not contradicted when a heterosexual couple is infertile, or when the husband and wife use the "rhythm method" to avoid pregnancy (since the woman is biologically infertile at certain times of the month). Why doesn't the exception for biological infertility apply to same-sex couples?

According to the CR article, a priest who is pastor of a local Catholic church said:
“Mar­riage is a sacred institution.” If the definition of marriage were altered, [the priest] said, “It would undermine a pillar of our society and would be a terrible fall down the moral ladder.”

oldstyleliberal doesn't buy that. oldstyleliberal thinks allowing gays and lesbians to marry would, if anything, improve the moral tone of society. For one thing, it would cut down on promiscuity among gays if gays could have settled marital relationships. Promiscuity is bad; gay sex is (for gay people) not.

For another thing, having a married gay couple next door might teach the rest of us to be more accepting and tolerant.

Monday, January 14, 2008

"O'Malley to offer energy package" | Baltimore Sun

This morning's Baltimore Sun has a front page article about how Maryland's recently elected governor, Martin O'Malley, is responding to looming energy and electrical power shortages in the state. The headline is "O'Malley to offer energy package." The article says that among the measures the governor's energy administration contemplates submitting to the legislature is a bill to have the state's power companies contribute money to a "strategic energy investment fund." The fund in turn would "invest in energy-efficient technologies and promote nonpolluting power alternatives."

oldstyleliberal lives in a suburb of Baltimore, Maryland, and buys his electrical power from Baltimore Gas & Electric, a part of the Constellation Energy Group. BGE and companies competing with it to sell electrical power in Maryland in 2006 ruffled consumers' feathers mightily by announcing steep price hikes. The rate increases were softened somewhat when politicos in the state legislature objected and threatened to take severe action — see New Electricity Rates on Tap for Maryland.

Since then, now-Governor O'Malley, a Democrat who was Baltimore's mayor at the time, ran against and defeated a Republican incumbent, Governor Robert L. Ehrlich. O'Malley, says today's article, "campaigned on the unfulfilled promise of undoing a 72 percent electricity rate increase for 1.2 million Baltimore Gas & Electric customers." This set of new proposals floated by the O'Malley administration instead "appears likely to ... further increase consumer costs in the short term."


The energy fund portion of the proposed legislative package — which also eyes laws "reducing overall electricity consumption by 15 percent by 2015" and "requiring utility companies to buy 20 percent of their power from wind, solar or other renewable sources by 2022" — would "not rely on tax revenue. Instead, the governor is banking on proceeds from the auction of "pollution credits" under an initiative of 10 states to voluntarily reduce carbon dioxide emissions." CO2 emissions are a major part of the "greenhouse gases" that are said to promote global warming.

The O'Malley brain trust is banking on a regional "cap-and-trade" system, just getting under way, to generate something like $100 million in windfall revenues that would wind up in Maryland's energy fund. The Sun article is not totally clear on how this would work; it says, "Maryland expects to receive about $100 million a year from the sale of its pollution credits." This has to do with the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative, under which power plants in ten voluntarily participating Northeastern and Mid-Atlantic states, including Maryland, "must keep emissions below a downward-sliding limit, or buy credits from cleaner power plants."

The assumption here may be — it's not perfectly clear to oldstyleliberal — that power plants in other RGGI states, because they emit more greenhouse gases into the atmosphere than Maryland plants do, would have to buy up some of the permits issued to the (relatively clean) Maryland plants. The money the Maryland power utilities would receive would, under the O'Malley plan, wind up in the energy fund. That way, Maryland utilities would supposedly not have to pass along the costs of filling the fund to their customers in the form of higher electric bills.

At least, there is that hope. O'Malley's political opponents are, however, skeptical:
Del. Warren E. Miller, a Howard County Republican on the [Maryland House of Delegates] Economic Matters Committee, said he doubted that the "cap and trade" system would create even a $100 million windfall, and that added costs borne by power plants would probably show up on consumers' electrical bills.

The dollar size of the permits windfall is in doubt in part because "the yield won't be known until the first [RGGI] auction this summer." But Maryland Public Service Commission Chairman Steven B. Larsen, an O'Malley appointee, said (according to the article) that he expects "the amount could be twice as high."

There is also this consideration: " ... recent tax increases and economic uncertainty might spur a fight in the legislature this session if lawmakers prefer to give all or some of the $100 million back to consumers."

It sounds to oldstyleliberal as if the O'Malley people want to make sure one of two things happens:

  1. If Maryland's power producers do reap an RGGI windfall, it (because the money goes right into the new fund) won't wind up reducing consumers' electric bills. Lowering electric rates would give consumers no incentive to conserve energy. That would wind up exacerbating global warming.
  2. If by chance there is no such windfall, utilities would still have to pay the required money into the new fund, which would cause electric rates to go up as the utilities pass some or all of these costs on to consumers. Higher rates would encourage even more conservation.

Either way, the recently boosted Maryland electricity rates would tend not to go down, as O'Malley suggested on the campaign trail that he wanted, and might well go up. No matter where the money to be injected into the new energy fund comes from — from an RGGI windfall or from Maryland power companies' general revenues — it will ultimately come from energy consumers in Maryland, and/or those in other states participating in RGGI.

So the proposed fund would encourage energy conservation and ameliorate global warming in two ways. It would invest in sustainable, environment-friendly energy technologies. And it would encourage energy conservation by in effect adding a hidden surcharge on electric power consumption in Maryland, or elsewhere, to pay for the fund.

Sunday, January 13, 2008

Megan McCardle: "No Country for Young Men" | The Atlantic

In "No Country for Young Men," in the January/February 2008 issue of The Atlantic, associate editor Megan McCardle paints a bleak picture of what we're headed for as we Baby Boomers (yours truly is 60) start spending more time in doctor's offices and the old folks' home than we do working and earning our keep.

We geezers-to-be are already starting to retire, but many officially "retired" Boomers are starting some sort of second career as they exit career #1. They'd like to find "work-as-personal-fulfillment" and all that sort of thing, yet many find themselves limited to a less-than-wonderful job at Wal-Mart or Home Depot, Staples or Walgreens.

Still that's not the big problem. The big problem comes when they get too old to contribute labor to the workforce in any way, shape, or form. Then they'll be living off the productivity of their juniors, at a time of life when their, the seniors', medical expenses can be expected to grow and grow and grow.

McArdle:
And indeed there’s no getting around these facts: in 1945, the year before the Baby Boomers began entering the world, each retiree in America was supported by 42 workers. Now each retiree is supported by three. When the Boomers are fully retired, each of them will be supported by just two.

What happens when currently optimistic Boomers finally face the hard realities of their savings accounts? Will they ask for more from the government? At a bare minimum, seniors already struggling with their finances are not apt to look kindly on benefit cuts. Yet the cost of the benefits we’ve already promised them will weigh heavily on the workers expected to support a half-Boomer apiece.

Social Security is the comparatively easy problem to solve. It will go from consuming 4.3 percent of GDP in 2007 to absorbing about 6.2 percent in 2030. That’s a big jump—if the cost were spread evenly, it would be equivalent to about a 5 percent increase in payroll taxes for each worker—but by and large, the economy will be able to cope.

Medicare is a different story. Health-care costs now consume about 16 percent of GDP, but projections by the Department of Health and Human Services suggest that by 2016, that will have risen to almost 20 percent. [David Wise, head of the National Bureau of Economic Research’s aging program,] speculates that closing the Medicare budgetary gap would require a tax increase of something on the order of 8 to 12 percent of total payroll. That is a massive tax increase—$4,000 to $6,000 a year on a $50,000 income (again assuming the tax were spread evenly). Many economists and budget analysts have drawn up plans intended to fix Social Security, through some combination of benefit cuts, higher retirement ages, and tax increases. But almost no one claims to have any good ideas about Medicare.

As oldstyleliberal mentioned in Samuelson: Rx for Health Care, by 2030 health-care costs will most likely eat up 25 percent of GDP! A quarter of every dollar's worth of products made by Americans will be earmarked for medical bills alone. A hefty portion of that will go to pay the medical bills of Medicare recipients.

In other words, we're presently tied to a railroad track with a locomotive bearing down on us at breakneck speed. And "no one claims to have any good ideas about" how to loosen the rope.

The presidential candidates have said very little about Medicare. The Republicans want to chip away at the various reasons why health care costs in America are rising so fast, and that's good. Also good is the Democrats' insistence that all Americans who want to be insured can be (or, in some of their proposals, must be). But no one is talking about how something else — something really big, and something fairly painful, politically — is going to have to be done, and soon, to keep Medicare from killing the goose that lays America's golden eggs.

Saturday, January 12, 2008

David Brooks: "Middle-Class Capitalists" | New York Times

David Brooks' op-ed column in the New York Times of Jan. 11, "Middle-Class Capitalists," contains some interesting information about the Republican presidential candidates' positions on health care reform:
While Democrats emphasize [insuring] the uninsured, Republicans emphasize cost control. They [unlike an earlier generation of Republican conservatives] understand that it’s not a question of protecting health markets from government takeover. Government already controls and distorts health care. It’s a question of straightening out the system so that it is clear who is paying and for what.

Mitt Romney supports private insurance enforced by a universal mandate. [John] McCain talks about paying for outcomes rather than tests to cut down on unnecessary procedures. Mike Huckabee promotes an activist agenda to reduce obesity and prevent chronic illness.

When Brooks says "government already controls and distorts health care," that sounds like a bit of hyperbole to oldstyleliberal. But it's basically true. It's verbal shorthand for the idea that, mostly by virtue of running market-distorting programs like Medicare, Medicaid, and the State Children's Health Insurance Program (S-CHIP), Uncle Sam (along with state and local governments) influences the supply and demand relationships that pertain to medical-care goods and services.

That affects in a major way what health care items patients (or their insurers) can buy, and how much it will cost them to buy it. Accordingly, certain health care categories may cost more than they otherwise would, because (government-subsidized) demand for them is higher than it would otherwise be.

Because of said marketplace distortions, certain things may wind up being in too-short supply, even at higher prices; there may be too few doctors in a certain area of the country, because bureaucrats there have decreed that local health care providers don't get paid as much as they do elsewhere. So it may take a while to get a doctor's appointment in East Podunk. Meanwhile, there may be too many doctors and health care facilities in other areas, so eager patients may wind up having too many health care services bestowed on them, with no measurable improvement to their health, life expectancy, or any other objective indicator of the quality of their health care.

But, Brooks implies, GOP reform proposals (and those of Democrats) will not eliminate these market distortions. They simply hope to "straighten out the system" by at least making it more "clear who is paying and for what."

In the health care financing system as it is currently set up, it is not at all clear who pays for what. Even if you don't personally get any benefits from Medicare, Medicaid, or S-CHIP, and even if you do not have employer- or individually provided health insurance — you buy your medical care on a pay-as-you-go basis — you are probably already shelling out for the health care of other people.

If you, as a "young invincible" who normally "never gets sick," happen to undergo an emergency appendectomy at a local hospital, the bill which you are going to pay entirely out of your meager savings account probably has been inflated to help the hospital defray the costs of patients whose government-provided insurance programs — because of price controls or coverage limitations — don't fully defray the expense of treating them. That's what policy wonks call "cost sharing," and it also applies to the costs of treating charity cases: patients who have no insurance at all, government-provided or otherwise.

Cost sharing already distorts health care markets. Even if the government completely got out of the health care financing business — which is politically impossible, owing to the popularity of Medicare — and even if private insurers and HMOs acted in a totally greedy way to inflate their bottom lines at the expense of providing everyone with the health care we all so desperately need, the very fact that each of us can expect to use more health care than we can pay for, at some point in our lives, means cost shifting is inevitable. If all of the other market-distorting aspects of health care financing — government insurance programs, tax incentives to employers to provide health insurance for their workers, state regulations, etc. — disappeared overnight, cost sharing for charity cases would remain. And a great many of us, lacking huge financial reserves, would at some point become its beneficiaries.

So it is not a question of ever having a strictly market-based health care financing system, with zero distortions to "pure" supply-and-demand relationships. The "market footprint" of the government is, and will remain, huge. And unless we went to a full-bore "single payer" system of government-financed health care — an idea that has completely failed to gain political traction in America — there would continue to be private insurers, employers, doctors, hospitals, and managed care organizations who quite naturally fear their health care costs are getting way out of proportion to their levels of recompense. In a pinch, these entities, as recent history shows, tend to want to cut back their outlays — at the expense, too often, of making it too hard or even impossible for the sickest among us to get the care they need.

The Republicans all want to re-jigger the current system in various ways short of a single-payer system or a mandate that those who lack health coverage must buy it from the government. Romney would mandate the purchase of private insurance and would presumably arrange (somehow) for it to become available and affordable to all (good luck there!).

McCain would control health care costs by "paying for outcomes rather than tests." By that, oldstyleliberal assumes, McCain means health care providers would not be able to charge public or private insurers for procedures that don't measurably improve patients' health — though how that would be adjudicated is admittedly a bit of a mystery to oldstyleliberal at this stage.

And Huckabee emphasizes promoting "an activist agenda" to keep us from incurring serious (and expensive) illnesses in the first place: a noble goal, but again, good luck!

On the other hand, most of the GOP hopefuls' health care platforms contain, somewhere in the fine print, a plank that would permit the health savings accounts (HSAs) that became available to Americans under a 2003 law to become larger and less restricted. oldstyleliberal thinks this is a good idea. Accounts which are stocked with tax-free money, year by year, and which can be drawn upon at any age to buy health insurance and/or health services, while remaining tax-free, are a fine thing.

Right now, if you establish such an account, you are forced to buy so-called high-deductible health insurance along with it. The enlarged HSAs proposed by various Republican presidential hopefuls would eliminate that restriction and other drawbacks which keep HSAs from being as popular as they might be. oldstyleliberal thinks "large HSAs" would be the perfect complement to a universal-access health care plan such as Democrat Barack Obama proposes, which would make government-provided health insurance available to all adults and children but would mandate coverage only for children.

Thursday, January 10, 2008

Samuelson: Rx for Health Care

Newsweek economics columnist Robert Samuelson recently prescribed this Rx for Health Care in the December 10, 2007, issue of the magazine. oldstyleliberal feels the article should be required reading, not because he necessarily agrees with all of Samuelson's solutions, but because it captures some of the essential dimensions of the problem which confronts all of us in this election year and beyond.

Dimension 1: "Health spending already totals more than $2 trillion annually, about 16 percent of national income (gross domestic product). By 2030, it could easily exceed 25 percent — one dollar out of four — projects the Congressional Budget Office. Higher health spending is the main force expanding the federal budget."

Those figures presumably include both private and government expenditures on health care, whether they come out of patients' pockets to cover their medical expenses, copayments, and insurance premiums; out of insurance companies' payments to health care providers; out of employers' payments to insurance companies to provide health coverage to the employers' workers; out of government health care payments through programs like Medicaid and Medicare; or what have you. Total it all up, and we Americans now carve 16 cents out of every dollar of our income "pie" to spend on health care, on the average, and within the lifetimes of many of us, that number will go up to a shiny quarter of a dollar or more.

Dimension 2: "There's a massive transfer of income from young to old. Americans 65 and older now represent about an eighth of the population and about a third of all health spending. By 2030, their population share will be about a fifth, and they could account for nearly half of health spending, finds a study by the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services. Under present law, the 19- to 64-year-old population would pay most of those costs."

Put those two dimensions together, and by 2030 working adults between the ages of 19 and 64 will be covering the lion's share of the nearly half of total health spending that seniors will by that time represent. That's roughly a dime out of every dollar of each youngster's income. Under present law, every able-bodied member of the pre-retirement workforce would have to fork that dime over in one form or another to underwrite the health care of doddering Americans. Hence the description, "massive transfer of income."

Dimension 3: "Neither the government nor the private sector has succeeded in controlling health spending. From 1970 to 2005, average spending per Medicare beneficiary rose 8.9 percent a year; spending for Americans with private health insurance rose 9.8 percent annually over the same period (the figures cover similar health services). The small difference may reflect cost shifting. When Medicare imposes price controls, doctors and hospitals increase prices for privately insured patients."

Think about that a while. Recent history has shown that health care prices are not held in check either by market-based activities of private insurers and health care providers looking to improve their bottom lines or by government agencies trying — and failing — to rein in costs through price controls.


Samuelson says we Americans don't see how the money flows through the complicated plumbing of today's health care system. It comes out of the pockets of us all, but in hidden, indirect ways. For instance, the health insurance coverage an employer buys for a worker is paid for — in part, since the worker also pays in premiums — by money the employer gives the insurance company. That money could alternatively have come directly to the worker as higher wages. But the worker never sees that.

When governments, federal and/or state, provide insurance coverage, as in Medicare, or subsidize patients' health care costs directly, as in Medicaid, some of the expenditures come out of general tax revenues, largely derived from income taxes or sales taxes. Again, the taxpayer doesn't see his or her tax dollars flow through the system and come out in the bank account of a doctor, nurse, technician, hospital, or pharmaceutical manufacturer.

Meanwhile, the patient himself or herself racks up expenses that are — apparently — paid for by other people. Other members of the same insurance plan. Other taxpayers. Other patients at the same hospital, through the accounting practice called cost shifting. Whoever the "other people" are is hidden from the patient's view, and the patient has no incentive to comparison shop for the lowest prices consistent with getting the best quality of health care services.


Often, the patient not only has no incentive to shop for health care bargains, he or she simply cannot do so. Perhaps the prices for drugs and other commodities are fixed at a certain level by the health insurer's agreements with providers in its network, so shopping around is pointless. Or perhaps there is only one available source of whatever it is the patient needs, because the health care system limits competition as an unintended consequence of how it is currently set up.

Patients today are therefore not really "consumers" in the usual sense of the word: people who desperately prefer to keep prices as low as possible when they shop for goods and services, and who avoid paying too much by bargain hunting.

And that, oldstyleliberal thinks, is both a good thing and a bad thing.

It's a good thing because, if you need a heart bypass, a liver transplant, or a mastectomy, the last thing you want to do is shop around ad infinitum for the best quality-to-price ratio. That takes time and effort when what you really want to do is get the scary thing over with as quickly as possible. You want to put yourself in the hands of the best surgeon you can find, and not necessarily the one who charges the least. You're unexpectedly sick — or maybe you've finally found a solution for a debilitating condition that's been sapping your strength for a long time — you're frightened, and you just don't want to die. So careful comparison shopping is not going to be uppermost in your mind.


But the fact that the current health care system pretty much obviates the need for comparison shopping and bargain hunting is also a bad thing because, as Samuelson points out, it is driving the explosion in health care expenditures. As a 60-year-old, oldstyleliberal can easily remember when there was not all that many surgical remedies available for heart patients, there were no liver or bone marrow transplants, there were no CT scans or MRIs, no screenings for breast cancer.

Medical care was pretty cheap in the days when penicillin was still the latest wonder drug. There was nothing that could be done to prevent you from getting tuberculosis or polio in 1947, oldstyleliberal was born, and if you did get one of these dread diseases you could easily die from it without ever racking up a lot of the life-prolonging medical expenses associated with ongoing patient care today.

Or you could wind up crippled or in diminished health for the duration of a normal lifetime — yet the monetary costs associated with post-polio or post-tuberculosis status were not all that high. President Franklin Roosevelt, a polio victim, could do little but visit the spa at Warm Springs, Georgia, and wear braces on his legs.


Sick
by Jonathan
Cohn
The current health care financing system actually got its start in the days of FDR: the great depression, World War II. Sick: The Untold Story of America's Health Care Crisis — and the People Who Pay the Price, by Jonathan Cohn, is more must-reading for Americans today. It details (among other things) how employer-provided health insurance got its start during the Second World War, at a time when employers were trying to attract workers from a labor force diminished in size by all the boys in uniform overseas. Uncle Sam gave employers a big tax break for the health insurance coverage they were starting to offer as a fringe benefit to their employees, and private employer-based health insurance soon became an American institution.

At the time, as already noted, health care costs were moderate for even the sickest among us. The fact that being covered by insurance took away a patient's incentive to price-shop for health care had little negative impact. Things are a lot different now.


A little back-of-the-envelope figuring shows that when $2 trillion is spent each year to provide health care for 300 million Americans whose average life expectancy is 78 years, then every American will on average use $5.2 million worth of health care over the course of a lifetime. Think of it. Even in this age of homes that cost more than $1 million, that figure dwarfs what used to be considered the single most expensive thing a middle class person would most likely buy in his or her life: a house.

Of course, the prices of health care have gone way, way up, and way too fast, so oldstyleliberal figures the amount of money actually spent on his own health care needs during the first 60 of his allotted 78 years has been much less. Then again, if prices keep skyrocketing, he may still wind up costing the health care system $5.2 million by the time he is done.

A baby born today can expect to cost the health care system a lot more than $5.2 million, owing to the fact that health care costs continue to zoom upward. Something must be done, and soon.

As Samuelson points out in his article, "People need to see and feel health costs." Whatever else we do, we have to stop letting health care consumers proceed as if they're getting a free ride (even if the dollars they don't think they are spending on health care are actually feeding the present system in hidden, indirect ways).

Samuelson want to: "First, make Medicare beneficiaries pay more; many retirees can afford more. Second, create a dedicated federal health tax to cover all government health spending (Medicare, Medicaid, etc.). If health spending rose, the tax would rise. People would know why."

Third, he wants to "eliminate the income-tax exclusion for employer-paid insurance and replace it with a tax credit of lesser value. Workers would have more pretax income, but they'd have to spend more after-tax dollars for insurance."

Of the three proposals, oldstyleliberal likes the second one best. He thinks there ought to be a dedicated federal health tax as an income surtax. It ought to cover all of Uncle Sam's health care expenditures, such that Medicare, Medicaid, S-CHIP, and the various other programs would not draw from general revenues at all. It would be charged at a flat percentage of income; there's no sense in alienating economic conservatives by making it progressive, so as to take a proportionately greater bite out of the pocketbooks of the rich.

Starting it at a flat (say) 5 percent of income would make it easy for Americans to see how the rate was changing from year to year and ask embarrassing questions of politicians if the rate went up too much — and that's the whole point.

Meanwhile, oldstyleliberal favors substituting for Samuelson's first and third proposals — designed to re-jigger the monetary disincentives of the current health care system to patients to comparison shop and thus hold the line on prices — so-called "large HSAs": health savings accounts with fewer restrictions than today's HSAs currently have. Americans would use these accounts as "401(k)s on steroids" to replace or amplify the proceeds of regular health insurance coverage with their own tax-free dollars — dollars that it behooves them to spend wisely.